Just as a single drop of lime can spoil a glass of milk, or just as one wicked monkey is enough to destroy a manicured garden, an aberration can destroy a great achievement. In new Bangladesh, the aberration is “mob justice” which has been putting the accomplishment of July uprising at great stake.

On Tuesday, 4 March, during a regular press conference following a meeting of the Advisory Council, Advisor Syeda Rizwana Hasan stated, “The government has taken a strict stance against mob justice. The highest priority will be given to taking necessary measures to stop this practice.” Yet, on the same night, after midnight, a group of assailants launched a sudden attack on an apartment in Gulshan, one of the most posh areas of Dhaka. Identifying themselves as “students and citizens,” the mob broke locks, vandalised property and looted valuables indiscriminately for over an hour. Only after the destruction was complete, law enforcement officers arrived at the scene. Instead of taking action against the perpetrators, the officers held discussions with the mob leaders and facilitated their safe departure. While leaving, the assailants shouted that they had information that Tanvir Imam, the son of HT Imam, has kept his illegal wealth hidden there. How funny!

If someone hears that a criminal is hiding illegal wealth in a house, what should they do? They should inform law enforcement agencies, who would then take legal action through due process. However, the terrifying tendency to take the law into one’s own hands, what we now call “mob justice,” was on full display that night in Gulshan. Only after strong public outrage, three members of the so-called “student-citizen” gang were arrested. Yet, this crime occurred right under the police’s nose. Setting aside the looting, even the act of forcibly entering a residence and breaking locks is a punishable offense under Bangladesh’s criminal law.

This is not an isolated incident. Such acts of mob justice are occurring regularly across the country. We learn about incidents in Dhaka, but many incidents in remote districts remain unknown. According to the Law and Arbitration Centre, 96 people were killed in mob beatings between August and December. There were 233 cases of mob justice leading to chaos in various areas over the past seven months. No place is free from this menace—not even court premises. If the government cannot curb this, the achievements of the mass uprising will come under question, and the revolution will fail to yield its intended success.

After the fall of the Awami League on 5 August, the students and youth of this country aspired to rebuild a new Bangladesh. They did not envision a nation where lawlessness would prevail, nor did they desire neighbourhoods to breed new monsters. They wanted a Bangladesh where no one could misuse power to oppress others. The July revolution was fought for a nation free from oppression and subjugation. However, in the aftermath, incidents of mob justice are occurring almost daily. Crimes like rape, murder and looting have become routine. Over the past seven months, criminal gangs have emerged in local communities. These criminals are committing offenses under the guise of “students and citizens,” thereby worsening law and order and, most importantly, tarnishing the image of the revolution’s heroes. This is a dangerous trend.

Just as a few criminals recklessly stormed into a house in Gulshan, groups of people elsewhere are arbitrarily taking justice into their own hands, attacking innocent individuals. Even law enforcement officers are not spared from these mob attacks. A culture of mob rule has emerged—if one can gather 20-25 people, they can attack their “designated enemy” on the streets without any consequence. No one will intervene; in fact, more bystanders might join in, turning the violence into a grotesque spectacle. Even when law enforcement arrives, they simply stand by, trying to comprehend the situation. By then, the damage is already done.

On March 4, a mob brutally assaulted two Iranian nationals and another individual in Jagannathpur area in Vatara, Dhaka. The attack took place in broad daylight. The police later rescued the two injured foreigners and admitted them to the hospital. The victims were identified as Mohammad Ahmad, 74, and his grandson, Mohammad Mehdi, 18, who were visiting Bangladesh. The third victim, who had accompanied them in a car, managed to escape.

The question arises: if even foreign nationals are not safe from such violence, where is our own security? Immediately after 5 August, opportunistic elements took advantage of the situation, realising that law enforcement is ineffective and the country’s police force is non-functional. In some areas, police are inactive, and the military is observing from the sidelines. Taking advantage of this, criminals initially looted targeted houses indiscriminately. Those who looted homes on August 5 were not part of the movement; their actions do not align with the movement’s ideology. They were purely criminals.

As law enforcement agencies gradually began restoring order, and the military was granted magistracy power, these criminals adopted new tactics. Recognising the popularity of students after the revolution, they started using the “student-citizen” identity. These groups began attacking houses and establishments under the guise of fighting corruption, engaging in extortion and terrorism to destabilise society.

Consider this scenario: you have a personal dispute with someone. You hire a gangster, who then gathers more people. They introduce themselves as “student-citizens” or “anti-discrimination activists.” Who will verify their identities? These individuals then “raid” homes, offices or shops, causing destruction. As a result, the genuine student movement against discrimination and the revolution’s student leaders are being falsely implicated. If this is not stopped immediately, public perception of the students will turn negative.

We firmly believe that those who actively participated in the July revolution could never be involved in such criminal activities. They are the brave warriors of the new Bangladesh. Similar conspiracies emerged after the great Liberation War of 1971. Criminals engaged in looting and robbery under the guise of “freedom fighters,” ultimately discrediting the actual heroes. That conspiracy succeeded then, and a similar ploy is now underway to discredit the July revolution’s leaders.

It is crucial to remember that the student leaders of the July revolution are the visionaries of the new Bangladesh. Those exploiting their identity for criminal activities are, in fact, allies of fascism and accomplices of dictatorship. They seek to rehabilitate autocracy in Bangladesh and are engaging in these ugly and unacceptable tactics for that purpose.

The government must act responsibly and take strict measures. Law enforcement agencies must remain impartial. Criminals do not have political affiliations; those who commit crimes are criminals, whether they are students or outsiders, citizens or thugs. It is not the job of law enforcement to determine their status; their duty is to bring all criminals to justice without bias.

Public patience is wearing thin. If mob justice is not eradicated, the revolution’s achievements will be in vain. Mob justice has now become the adversary of the revolution, fostering a counter-revolutionary atmosphere in Bangladesh. Ending mob justice requires more than words—it requires action.