Prime Minister’s first 100 days in office

Assessing how Bangladesh’s three-and-a-half-month-old government will govern the country over the remaining four years and eight-and-a-half months of its term is still premature. In a Bangladesh that, under Sheikh Hasina, became effectively centred on an individual, it would not be surprising if any newly elected government—even one that assumes office with an overwhelming mandate—finds itself under constant pressure from party interests, the bureaucracy and the opposition throughout its tenure.

Therefore, it would be unreasonable to attempt a definitive assessment of the successes or failures of the BNP government led by Tarique Rahman, which assumed power in February. However, almost every new government seeks to shape public expectations by signalling what it intends to accomplish. In many countries, leaders use their first 100 days to demonstrate momentum and set priorities. US presidents traditionally unveil a “100-day programme” upon entering the White House. Sheikh Hasina did so in the past, and Prime Minister Tarique Rahman likewise announced and completed a 100-day programme.

For the prime minister of a small developing country such as Bangladesh, matching the dramatic initiatives of a US president within the first 100 days is hardly realistic, and Tarique Rahman has not attempted to do so. Nevertheless, his government has initiated several measures promised in the BNP’s election manifesto, including Family Cards, Farmer Cards, monthly allowances for imams, muezzins and Hindu priests, financial incentives and school uniforms for primary school pupils, tuition-free education for female students up to undergraduate level, and canal excavation projects.

The question, however, is whether these initiatives amount to notable achievements or represent the beginning of the fulfilment of major national commitments. It would not be unfair to argue that, as head of government, Tarique Rahman has so far failed to present any landmark accomplishment during his first 100 days.

The electricity and energy sectors remain in poor condition. No substantial measures have yet been taken to address the severe disorder in the banking sector. Law and order have deteriorated significantly. Cases of child murder and child rape have increased alarmingly. Extortion has reportedly grown at a rate comparable to the expansion of high-yield crop production. In particular, rampant extortion targeting trucks carrying consumer goods and traders in marketplaces has contributed to rising food prices, pushing essential commodities beyond the reach of ordinary citizens.

Public frustration has consequently intensified. Some who had remained silent are now attempting to argue that life was better under the Awami League government.

When Tarique Rahman returned to Bangladesh after 17 years abroad, he spoke of his vision for the country. Many expected that vision to be clearly articulated during his first 100 days in office. They have been disappointed by the absence of a detailed explanation of that vision.

If the concept of the “first 100 days” is to be adopted, it should contain meaningful achievements rather than serve as a symbolic imitation. In the United States, from where this tradition largely originates, President Donald Trump signed 143 executive orders during the first 100 days of his second term—more than any previous president in a comparable period. Some of those orders had global ramifications, including higher tariffs on imports from numerous countries, immigration reforms and mass deportations of undocumented migrants, travel restrictions on citizens of several countries including some Muslim-majority states, stricter visa vetting procedures, and the closure of various agencies under federal spending cuts.

Similarly, Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi used the first 100 days of his third term to approve major infrastructure and national development projects. These included a mega-port in Maharashtra, a deep-draft port intended to rank among the world’s top ten, a 62,000-kilometre road and bridge programme connecting 25,000 villages to urban centres, eight new railway lines, metro system expansions and numerous other projects.

Bangladesh may be a smaller and weaker economy, but without ambitious long-term objectives, attempting to fulfil election promises primarily through the issuance of various cards is unlikely to make a significant contribution to national development.

Across the world, public trust in governments and politicians has declined sharply. In many cases, distrust has turned into resentment. Politicians themselves bear much of the responsibility. Too often, they forget the promises they made once elected. They use public office to enrich themselves, expand their business interests and intimidate citizens through displays of power.

Between 2009 and 2024, the Awami League government institutionalised such practices among many of its political beneficiaries. According to critics, not only were state resources appropriated, but lands, businesses and even financial institutions belonging to perceived political opponents were effectively treated as fair game. Following the fall of the Awami League government in August 2024, many of these alleged abuses began to come to light.

Although many beneficiaries of the previous regime have fled, the culture of appropriation and patronage they left behind may now be benefiting new groups linked to the current government. If such behaviour receives official tolerance, others may be encouraged to seek similar advantages, ultimately creating difficulties for the government itself. The fate of the Awami League government should serve as a lesson and a warning.

Bangladesh’s political history shows that whenever elected governments have excessively violated the national interest and citizens have felt helpless under political repression, some have even welcomed extra-constitutional administrations as a source of temporary relief. For that reason, Tarique Rahman’s government must proceed cautiously.

Already, some ministers have drawn public criticism for excessive rhetoric. Unless greater discipline is maintained, they risk undermining the considerable popularity and public confidence the government still enjoys.

Three and a half months is not a long period. Yet people naturally judge a government by how it begins. First impressions often shape expectations about what follows. In that sense, Tarique Rahman’s “first 100 days” could have been politically significant had his administration announced genuinely transformative national initiatives. Unfortunately, that has not occurred.

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The effectiveness of any political government, its commitment to the rule of law, its public standing and its success in implementing infrastructure projects depend heavily on the neutrality and professionalism of the civil service. The BNP government already appears to be becoming overly dependent on the bureaucracy, which may not be a positive sign. Bureaucrats nurtured under Awami League patronage weakened state institutions and often prioritised personal interests, a development that ultimately imposed a heavy cost on Sheikh Hasina and her party. The BNP would be wise to avoid repeating that pattern.

Former Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina maintained her position despite declining public confidence by, according to her critics, relying on fear, enforced disappearances, killings, repression and politically motivated prosecutions. Like many authoritarian leaders, she sought unconditional public loyalty. Her late father, Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, is similarly portrayed by critics as having desired unquestioning public support. Such anti-democratic aspirations, the argument goes, ultimately brought tragic consequences for both father and daughter.

Bangladesh’s history has therefore taught many citizens not to place blind trust in any ruler. Confidence must be earned through fulfilling election promises, decentralising power, bringing the corrupt to justice, holding timely elections and governing within constitutional limits.

In a fragile political system where authoritarian tendencies repeatedly re-emerge, the most effective safeguard is a genuinely accountable government operating under democratic norms and the rule of law. That remains the public’s principal expectation of the new administration.

The writer a senior Bangladeshi journalist based in the United States