After five years the US-led forces were pulled back from Afghanistan, around a dozen countries have been engaging with Taliban leaders, but they are yet to recognise the new government in Kabul formally.

The US-led troops entered Afghanistan in 2001 as part of Pentagon’s “war on terror.”

Two decades out of power, the Taliban is back and is ruling the country through violence against women, violations of human rights, and other forms of discrimination against its own people. International human rights and humanitarian agencies are raising concerns about the Taliban's actions in the country. However, informally, some countries are engaging with the Taliban differently.

According to various media sources, countries currently engaging with the Taliban include Pakistan, Saudi Arabia, Qatar, the UAE, Kazakhstan, Turkmenistan, Russia, China, India, Iran, and the European Union (EU). The strategic importance of Afghanistan and its geography is the primary reason for this engagement. Kabul holds geopolitical significance by connecting four regions of Asia—East, West, North, and South. Afghanistan was officially categorized as a South Asian country in 2007 when it became the eighth member of the South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC).

To the northeast of Afghanistan lies the rising power of China; to the west, Iran. The northern border of Afghanistan is crucial to three countries—Turkmenistan, Uzbekistan, and Tajikistan—which were once part of the Soviet Union. In the south lies Pakistan, a fellow South Asian nation.

Afghanistan has often been referred to as the "graveyard of empires" due to its long history of resisting powerful invaders. The British Empire was forced to withdraw in the 19th century at the height of its dominance. The Soviet Union, one of the 20th century’s superpowers, was driven out in the 1980s. Most recently, in the 21st century, the United States and its allies were compelled to leave after two decades of conflict.

Countries are engaging with the Taliban in various ways, at different levels, and for different agendas. Between 1996 and 2001, only a few countries—most notably Pakistan—formally recognized the Taliban government. However, even after four years of Taliban rule (referred to as "Taliban 2.0"), Pakistan, its closest ally, has yet to formally recognize the regime.

Nevertheless, Pakistan was the first country to voice support for the Taliban 2.0 government in Kabul. Still, it has not established formal diplomatic relations. Initially, Pakistan advocated for Afghanistan's representation in SAARC during the appointment of a new Secretary General. However, the other seven member countries reached a consensus to place Afghanistan last, in alphabetical order, and appointed Bangladeshi diplomat Ambassador Md. Golam Sarwar as Secretary General in October 2023. Since the Taliban takeover, Afghanistan has been excluded from participating in international institutions, including SAARC. This arrangement was described as an "out-of-the-box solution," initiated by Nepal, the SAARC chair, in collaboration with the SAARC Secretariat. As a result, there is currently no official Afghan representative at the SAARC Secretariat.

In October 2021, Pakistan’s then-Foreign Minister Shah Mahmood Qureshi visited Afghanistan, marking the first visit from the international community since the Taliban’s return to power in August that year. In early July 2024, Taliban leaders met Pakistani officials in Doha, aiming to ease tensions after Pakistan announced a new operation against Tehreek-e-Taliban Pakistan (TTP), a group it claims operates from Afghan soil, according to Dawn, a Pakistani news outlet.

Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) members such as Qatar—who brokered the US-Taliban deal—as well as Saudi Arabia and the UAE, have engaged with the Taliban regime to address the security vacuum, humanitarian crises, and infrastructure challenges. One major meeting occurred in June 2023, when Taliban Interior Minister Sirajuddin Haqqani visited Abu Dhabi and met UAE President Sheikh Mohammed bin Zayed. It was Haqqani’s first trip abroad since the Taliban regained control. Taliban’s intelligence chief Abdul Haq Wasiq was also part of the delegation. Emirati state-run media reported that both sides discussed “strengthening cooperation between the two countries and enhancing ties to serve mutual interests and contribute to regional stability.”

In September 2023, Russia hosted Taliban representatives for talks on regional threats and expressed willingness to assist Afghanistan independently and through the UN food agency. The meeting in Kazan was part of Moscow's strategy to maintain its influence in Central Asia amid its war in Ukraine. Discussions included the formation of an inclusive government. President Vladimir Putin’s special representative for Afghanistan, Zamir Kabulov, also attended.

China, Afghanistan’s northeastern neighbor, deepened ties with the Taliban regime after accepting its newly appointed ambassador to Beijing in late 2023. In August 2023, Taliban Deputy Prime Minister Mawlawi Abdul Kabir expressed support for the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) and affirmed "practical cooperation" with China. This prompted China to welcome the Taliban envoy. During the Belt and Road Forum in October 2023, Acting Commerce Minister Haji Nooruddin Azizi praised the BRI. China is particularly concerned about the East Turkistan Islamic Movement (ETIM), which it views as a separatist threat to its national security and the BRI. Consequently, China has repeatedly urged the Taliban to crack down on the group. In May 2023, then-Chinese Foreign Minister Qin Gang met Taliban Acting Foreign Minister Amir Khan Muttaqi and emphasized the need for Afghanistan to combat terrorism to ensure regional security.

India has also begun engaging with the Taliban. On January 8, 2025, India’s Foreign Secretary Vikram Misri met Acting Foreign Minister Amir Khan Muttaqi in Dubai, signaling India’s growing interest in the new regime. According to Indian media, this was the highest-level contact between India and the Taliban-led government since 2021. The discussions focused on India’s humanitarian and development assistance to Afghanistan.

The European Union continues to provide humanitarian aid to the Afghan people. In 2024, the EU allocated €125 million ($139 million) for humanitarian aid, human resources, and crisis management, according to an EU Commission press release. Since 2021, the EU has also organized 35 "air-bridge" flights delivering 1,600 tons of aid.

Iran, on February 26, 2023, officially handed over the Afghan embassy in Tehran to diplomats from the Taliban regime, marking a new phase in bilateral relations. Although Iran has yet to reopen its embassy in Kabul, it continues to engage with the Taliban through diplomatic channels.

The Taliban has also strengthened its relationships with Central Asian countries. For instance, on December 29, 2023, Kazakhstan removed the Taliban from its list of terrorist organizations, sending a positive message to others. Since then, the Taliban has engaged with Uzbekistan, Kyrgyzstan, and Turkmenistan as well.

Although more than a dozen countries and international humanitarian organizations—such as the UN—are actively engaging with the Taliban regime, none have formally recognized the Taliban-led government in Kabul since its return to power five years ago. It remains to be seen how the Taliban regime's international journey will unfold in the future.

Panday is a foreign affairs journalist based in Kathmandu, Nepal.

We are living in an era that is defined by rapid advancement of technologies & geopolitical complexities. In this era, Military-Civil Fusion has become a key mover for economic growth, self-reliance and enhanced national security. As Bangladesh is poised to become developing country soon, collaboration among private industry, academic institutions, and the sector of defense must be given priority for further development.

Countries like the USA, China & Russia have given full priority to Military-Civil Fusion to enhance National Security and Technological advancement. The Defense Advanced Research Projects Agency (DARPA) of the USA has played a crucial role in advancing technologies for both military and civilian development efforts. Historically, US Armed Forces is the inventor of many technologies which later successfully merged into the mainstream economic development cycle.  China has made faster progress in AI, cyber security, and space, and the credit goes to its tough MCF policy. Civil-military cooperation, collaboration, and integration have many success stories to tell.

For example, the military's studies of secure, high-speed data transmission in China facilitated the establishment of 5G communication. NASA's studies of lightweight materials and energy-efficient systems for space travel in the USA have found their way into commercial aviation and renewable energy sectors. These examples refer to how government-sponsored military research drives civilian technological progress to advance national productivity and global competitiveness.

For Bangladesh, adopting a strategic approach to MCF is not only an option—it is a necessity. Bangladesh military made significant progress in IT, cyber security and managing state-of-the-art technologies in munitions production. For long, the Armed Forces is providing leadership in the telecommunication sector, establishing facilities for National ID, passport and barometric for BTRC and many other technological fields. Through effective MCF, the technology and skill transfer with civilian business/industrial entities is bound to fetch wider economic benefits for the country. On the contrary, the private sectors that specialize in automation, AI and telecommunications can serve as catalysts of the technology ecosystem for Bangladesh’s defense.

Companies that specialize in robotics, cybersecurity, and aerospace engineering can develop solutions that advance national security ahrough integrated business ventures. Universities and institutions specialized in automation, data science, and biotechnology can wcollaboratewith defense to bring innovation. IThis will not onlyboost Bangladesh's defense infrastructure but also ppositionthe country as the hub of next-generation technological development in South Asia.

The future belongs to nations that capitalise on the combination of military and civilian institutions. Bangladesh is experiencing a transitional period, and there is a huge opportunity to remake its technological future through conscious integration.
 

- The writer is the Managing Director of Lab Aid Cancer Hospital and Super Speciality Center.

At some point during the long reign of the fallen Hasina government — perhaps from the beginning to somewhere midway — there used to be a wonderful slogan in one of the country's media outlets: "If you change yourself, society will change." If we can purify ourselves morally, then society, the nation or the country will naturally change on its own. This is also a significant teaching of our religious values.

Even as far back as 400 years before the birth of Christ, the Greek philosopher Plato said, "As men are, so will the state be. The state is formed by the character of its people." It cannot be denied that, following the mass uprising of last July-August — particularly the fall of Sheikh Hasina on 5 August — a new perspective has emerged in the nation’s moral and ethical landscape. Many have noted that, during the recent Eid celebrations, market prices remained stable and reasonable. The transport and communication systems were satisfactory, and law and order remained under control. Many on social media dubbed it “Yunus Magic.”

Professor Yunus’ recent visit to China, his meeting with the Indian Prime Minister in Bangkok, the international investment conferences — everything about the country’s socio-economic and administrative situation was noticeable, like a moon appearing in a dark sky, clearly visible to all without the need for publicity.

It cannot be denied that a touch of constructive and creative change has reached Bangladesh — and this is becoming increasingly evident. Yet, it must also be mentioned that a certain unease has surfaced in the political arena after Eid, largely centred around the much-discussed upcoming election. The country’s largest political party, BNP, wants their expected election to be held by this December. To that end, they have asked the chief adviser of the interim government for a clear roadmap. A meeting between BNP leaders and the chief adviser has been scheduled for 16 April.

Earlier, the chief adviser repeatedly said that if the scope of the ongoing reforms remains limited, it would be possible to hold an election in December. However, if, in consultation with other stakeholders, the reform scope needs to be expanded, the election might be possible in June — a position that has been reiterated several times before. But BNP leader Salahuddin Ahmed has said, “There is confusion surrounding the upcoming election.” That’s why they are demanding a clear roadmap. 

It’s the same old dilemma: reforms first or elections first. Moreover, there’s a pressing concern that unless the essential reforms are implemented, the July-August revolution or uprising will go in vain. The movement to establish a Second Republic or a New Bangladesh would be defeated.

Recently, leaders of the newly formed National Citizen Party (NCP) held an important meeting with Hefazat-e-Islam, where both agreed to declare the Awami League a terrorist organisation following the people's uprising. They reached a consensus on four key issues ̶ bringing the Awami League to justice for genocide, revoking its registration until trial is complete, halting its organisational activities, and making its prosecution visible before the election.

Alongside these, other reform proposals were also discussed.

Even if electoral politics is struggling to move quickly on the ground, political conversations among the people are advancing surprisingly well. It is noteworthy that the Gano Adhikar Parishad has demanded that the current interim government be converted into a national government. They’ve called for reforms and elections under such a government. Additionally, more than 30 political parties have expressed their opinions on reforms — these views deserve proper review.

If these proposals are sidelined with excuses and the nation rushes towards elections, it will disregard the July-August uprising and delay important national interests. In doing so, we risk drifting further from our core goals. Though Professor Yunus, head of the interim government, is in a difficult “please one side and lose the other” situation, the nation expects him to prioritise broader national interests, remaining uncompromising and clear in his decisions. Only then will his ethical and moral stance be firmly established. Otherwise, as a nation, we might regress — and in this increasingly unstable global climate, risk becoming a failed state.

Trump’s increased tariffs could spark economic crises for us, while Modi’s recent announcement to revoke transshipment privileges would serve as yet another ominous signal. This would cut off our access to export goods to Nepal and Bhutan through India. On these crucial matters, we must unite.

Whether elections take place in December or June is, though important, not a nation-destroying crisis.

The people of Bangladesh are intelligent and aware. Although they couldn’t act during past periods of domination and autocracy, they never hesitate to step forward when the opportunity arises. In fact, ordinary, selfless patriots are far more progressive in thought than most politicians. The reason is clear — they don’t act out of self-interest but for the greater good of the country and nation.

Against this backdrop, a growing discussion has recently emerged: should we hold a referendum in the near future? Though this idea has yet to gain full momentum, the question has been raised — should we, for a limited time, under Professor Yunus' leadership, form a government to implement reforms and stabilise the socio-economic and political situation? Just as referendums once legitimised the governments of Ziaur Rahman and later Hussain Muhammad Ershad, could public opinion now be sought to legitimise Professor Yunus’ tenure for a fixed period?

At present, all these matters still reflect people’s personal wishes and preferences — they’ve yet to firmly take root in the political arena.

_____________________________________

The writer is a former chief editor and managing director of BSS

Md. Abdur Rahman Khan, The Chairman of National Board of Revenue (NBR), recently referred to entrepreneurs who create employment as the “real heroes” of the country. While this might sound like a respectful recognition at a formal event, the question remains—what is the actual state of these heroes? How are they surviving?

Many have lost their capital and are buried under debt, silently bleeding within. Some are just barely hanging on. Sleepless nights plague them as they worry about what lies ahead.

The previous fallen regime played a full course in dragging these heroes into misery. Before its own collapse, it nearly completed the task of turning these heroes into zeroes as part of its legacy of destruction. These businesspeople were coerced into political shows—pressured to forget their own values and praise the very forces that broke them.

Not all of them participated willingly. Intelligence agencies and high-ranking officials summoned them, forced them to sing the government’s praises, and compelled them to speak against political opponents. Despite having no ability to feed them, the regime had plenty of strength to slap them. This abuse transformed nearly the entire business community into villains.

The regime’s leaders escaped as a group, but left the businesspeople cloaked in insecurity. Many in the business community still endure this pain. Out of 180 million people in the country, around ten million are engaged in different forms of employment. Of them, only about 1.5 million are employed by the government—the rest rely on the private sector.

The previous regime tried every trick to bring the private sector under the umbrella of party loyalists. Businesspeople were forced to prove ties with the ruling party in order to access government grants, tenders, and trade licenses. Many wept silently under this pressure, unable to speak out. Nearly a decade and a half of authoritarianism has deformed this vital sector. Even now, these entrepreneurs cannot fully express their pain or find solace.

State institutions and economic structures were used to serve partisan interests, and the country as a whole has suffered the consequences. Political control over ministries, party leaders, law enforcement, intelligence agencies, and civil administration has harmed every citizen in some form.

Criminal investigations were weaponized to suppress rival businesses. This has given rise to a new level of corporate servitude. No one knows how long the effects of this will last. The destructive impact of such politicization on the economy urgently needs healing. Research and innovation have dwindled, as no business can plan for the future under these circumstances. Foreign investors have lost trust, realizing that political alignment is essential for survival.

To pull the private sector out of this crisis, the government must take timely and practical steps. Following the mass uprising of July 2024 and the establishment of an interim government, the country faces a harsh new reality. To overcome it, political dominance over the economy must end.

Skills and transparency—not party identity—must become the basis for recognition in business. Corruption must be investigated and punished according to severity and context. There is no alternative to a free investment environment.

Even countries like Uganda and Rwanda, once dismissed as underdeveloped and war-torn, are now turning around. Ethiopia is no longer a laughingstock. Sri Lanka, which recently faced economic collapse, has bounced back almost miraculously—not through magic or miracles, but through timely, targeted reforms. “Dark Africa” is changing. And yes, despite existing corruption, many African countries have realized that Western dependency and internal division impoverished them.

Sri Lanka’s example is worth noting. After hitting rock bottom, the country regained stability within a year through bold steps: prioritizing business and investment, rebuilding trust with major business houses, and providing guarantees of a smooth investment climate. It empowered social institutions and quickly saw positive results. Political unity, business security, remittance utilization, debt restructuring, and tight import controls were their key tools.

Afghanistan, under the Taliban, even without international aid, stabilized its economy by promoting local production, agricultural focus, and religious donation systems. Both countries managed to leverage their business communities positively. If the state’s attitude changes, and if it fosters a fair and competitive business climate, Bangladesh can also experience transformation.

The current government is apolitical. Businesspeople, too, are inherently apolitical unless forced. All they want is security for their capital and a hassle-free environment. They are not getting that. On top of this, global economic challenges are making it even harder for them to survive. Constant changes in tax and VAT regulations, advance income tax, excessive regulatory duties, and trade restrictions are crushing them further.

When entrepreneurs are trapped, consumers also suffer. “Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs)” sound nice, but the government alone cannot achieve them. The private sector must be involved. Restoring trust in business is the first step—and by “businesspeople,” we mean those who generate employment and wealth. Yet they are now all being lumped in as enemies. That needs to end through political settlement.

Not all defaulters are criminals. Some loans were never meant to be recovered—they were gifts, bribes. Who institutionalized corruption through speed money and kickbacks? Who enabled capital flight? If political mismanagement isn’t reined in, the economy won’t recover. You don’t need to be a top economist to understand this—just common sense.

Only 5–7% of the workforce can ever be absorbed by government jobs. The rest must rely on the private sector—or go abroad.

It’s worth noting that the recent movement began with a demand for equal opportunities in public recruitment, which eventually led to a regime change. Now, Nobel Laureate and Chief Advisor Dr. Muhammad Yunus could be key in creating jobs both locally and abroad. His brand could drive not just financial momentum, but unlock new doors to employment through the private sector. He could catalyze healthy competition among investors and entrepreneurs, instead of division.

Despite repeated claims of progress, the economy has been in decline. On top of that, anti-authoritarian protests and other factors have delivered further blows. Businesses have been sabotaged. If we truly want sustainable democracy, then revitalizing the private sector is crucial. That begins with ensuring a business- and investment-friendly environment.

An average of 2.5 to 2.7 million young people become eligible for the workforce each year. But only 5–6% get public jobs. The rest depend on private sector growth. If investment doesn’t increase, private jobs won’t be created. If investors are suffering, then job seekers will be even more helpless.

This government came to power after a mass uprising and is not a “normal” government. Still, people have high hopes. Restoring broken institutions and giving the private sector room to breathe is part of its responsibility. Not ad-hoc, but sustainable development is the way forward—and that requires coordination between the government and private sector.

The private sector must not only be recognized, but honored. The last regime dishonored them through dirty politics and put them at risk. And even before that, during the One-Eleven emergency period, businesses were humiliated under another form of fascism. Entrepreneurs were demonized and branded as corrupt. That pain still lingers. The previous government added another layer of suffering. It’s time to heal.

The writer is Journalist and Columnist; Deputy Head of News, Banglavision